And when he could no longer bear his squalid
surroundings, the lice and roaches, inmates hacking with tuberculosis,
Felix Bonne, one of Cuba's leading dissidents, retreated into Chapter 27
of
For Whom The Bell Tolls. In its pages, Ernest
Hemingway describes a ragtag band of leftist soldiers confronting the
forces of Gen. Francisco Franco during the Spanish civil war. Wounded and
trapped on a hilltop, they know with icy certainty they will not live to
see another day. Still, one of the characters remarks, "It is better to
die on your feet than to live on your knees." Yes. Bonne
has learned this lesson well. He was freed from the
Guanajay prison last month after serving almost three years on charges of
inciting sedition. But freedom remains elusive. In the
past three weeks, two other prominent Cuban dissidents of the so-called
Group of Four, Marta Beatriz Roque and Reni Gomez Manzano, were also
released. The four were arrested on July 16, 1997,
and sentenced to terms of up to five years for encouraging Cubans not to
vote in that year's elections. They also held news
conferences with international media exhorting foreign business leaders
not
to invest in Cuba and asking Cuban exiles to encourage protest among
relatives on the island. The group's fourth member,
Vladimiro Roca, son of the late Communist Party leader, Blas Roca,
remains
in solitary confinement in a Cienfuegos prison. Once a month his wife
takes
a five-hour bus ride to bring Roca treasures like powdered milk, cheese or
cookies and the occasional letter of support from a stranger with a
foreign
return address. "He's very optimistic and patient,"
said his wife, Magaly de Armas Chaviano. "He thinks maybe this is a test
from God." Hundreds of other dissidents languish
behind bars, and Bonne, Roque and Gomez Manzano know they, too, could go
back. In all the countries of the world there are
people who have risked everything for their ideas. History is full of
them," said Bonne, 60. "Why should we be any different? We question the
communists and that unleashes their anger." At a
recent rally in Miami, about 100 Cuban-Americans held pictures of the
island's political prisoners. One by one, they called out their names. The
crowd answered each name with a simple message of solidarity:
Presente. Cuban-Americans know that political
activism on the island can quickly lead to unemployment and blacklisting.
For that reason some Miami activists partnered with the families of jailed
dissidents to start Project SOS. The idea is for the
exiles to send $50 a month directly to a political prisoner's family.
So far, about 60 dissident families are being
sponsored by American supporters. SOS organizers say they have verified
about 500 political prisoners. Project SOS is the
brainchild of Bertha Antunez, whose brother, Jorge Luis Garcia Perez, has
been jailed since 1990 on a charge of spreading "enemy
propaganda." Earlier
this month Garcia Perez was moved to the hospital wing of a prison after
launching a hunger strike. In another show of support
for the opposition movement, Rep. Lincoln Diaz-Balart, R-Miami, last week
introduced bipartisan legislation that would allow the U.S. government and
humanitarian organizations to send aid such as photocopiers, fax machines
and printing presses to the dissidents in Cuba. The bill is in preliminary
stages and will require the approval of several committees before being
sent to Congress for a vote. Since their release,
Bonne, Roque and Gomez Manzano have been pursued by a flood of foreign
reporters. While they are grateful for the coverage,
Roque admits she has not had time for mundane necessities like a new
ration
book or identification card. She doesn't even have basics like salt and
gas
in her home. Bonne has spent the past few weeks
getting reacquainted with daily life in Cuba. Walking
through the bustling streets of Havana he was struck by scaffolding
covering some of the city's crumbling buildings, projects funded mostly
through partnerships with foreign investors. He also noticed the island's
increasing dependence on dollars, which is creating a dual economy where
pesos are becoming obsolete. "It's practically
impossible for someone without access to dollars to live," Bonne says. "Of
course education is free, so is health care and funeral services. But the
population is living at a subsistence level." After 30
years as a professor of electrical engineering at the University of
Havana,
Bonne was fired in 1992 (though his textbooks are still used) for lending
his signature to a letter from a group of professors who demanded
democracy. Roque, an economist, and Gomez Manzano, a
lawyer, were also fired from their jobs. While Bonne was in prison, his
wife was forced to sell his clothes and jewelry to survive. They now live
off sporadic checks from relatives and friends in Miami.
Bonne's voice takes on a tone of frustration,
impatience maybe, as he explains the reasons that more Cubans have not
joined his cause. "I feel proud of the group I'm in,"
Bonne said. "But I don't think we can go forward. We need for the people
to
come together. But the repression is too strong. You could lose your job,
lose opportunities for your children." Bonne and the
others vow to continue their work despite the threat of prison. The Cuban
exile community and dissidents on the island consider the early release of
Bonne and the others a mere gesture rather than any earnest shift in
policy. In November, the international Ibero-American
Summit held in Havana helped spotlight human rights abuses when visiting
heads of state met with leading dissidents. Last month the United Nations
human rights commission voted to condemn the island for its record of
violations. Canada and the European Union, two of Cuba's trade allies,
also
criticized Fidel Castro. Dissidents say the Elian
Gonzalez saga has created a smokescreen for repression on the island.
Massive government-organized rallies have given the impression of Cuban
solidarity and nationalistic fervor, even as state security forces
increased their low-level harassment of dissidents.
For Ana Rodriguez it is a familiar cycle of
oppression and resistance. Though Rodriguez has never met Bonni, she knows
his work well. She now lives in Miami's Little Havana, but for 19 years
her
home was the Guanajay prison, where Bonni was held.
In 1961, as a fourth-year medical student in Havana, Rodriguez was
convicted of conspiring against the government.
Rodriguez, 62, thinks the dissidents' biggest triumph has been in drawing
international attention to human rights violations in
Cuba. "They are the only ones who are challenging the
government," Rodriguez said. "I would want them to be more aggressive, to
demonstrate that they have an alternative. Right now the world doesn't
have
a choice but to contemplate what is going to happen in Cuba. They need to
show they are the force of the future."
Vanessa Bauza can be reached at
vbauza@sun-sentinel.com or
954-356-4977.
Web-posted:
12:33 a.m. June 1, 2000
Sitting under a sunlit window at the far end of the prison's mess hall, he
escaped into the minds of his favorite authors, those chroniclers of the
human condition, Joseph Heller and Fyodor Dostoevski. He reread the
letters
of Churchill, Roosevelt and de Gaulle.
Copyright 1999, Sun-Sentinel Co. & South Florida
Interactive, Inc.