Chapter 5: Hunting & Gathering Societies
For the 1st 5 million years or
more of hominid history, our ancestors lived in hunting and gathering
societies. Only in the last
10,000-12,000 years have other types of societies evolved.
Despite their longevity, hunting and
gathering societies may soon be extinct because they are unable to compete with
technologically more advanced societies for territories and other vital
resources (101).
Hunting and gathering societies 100,000
BC - 8000 BC
The best evidence currently available
indicates that genetically modern humans evolved sometimes about 100,000 years
ago. These 1st modern humans
were more intelligent and probably better able to communicate among themselves
than were their hominid forebears, although they inherited a number of valuable
customs and technologies from them.
Although the rate of innovation was slow, hominids accumulated a number
of useful tools and practices in the nearly 5 million yeas that had elapsed between
the time our ancestors diverged from the ancestors of the modern great apes and
modern humans. Probably the most
important was the domestication of fire.
Fire fostered a technological and social
revolution. It set humans apart from
all other animals, giving them some control over the cycle of day and night and
more freedom of movement (102). Most
importantly, fire strengthened the network of interrelationships within
societies (103).
The emergence of genetically modern
humans marks a critical juncture in our species evolutionary history. For at this point, cultural evolution
replaced biological evolution as the primary means of adaptation and change in
human societies (104). The records are
sparse, there is nothing to suggest that there were any major new developments
until much later. Living remained
precarious and life expectancy short.
Few important innovations occur until near the end of this period when
the rate of innovation begins to increase at an accelerating rate (104).
Some of the best known innovations from
the latter half of this era occur in the arts.
Artistic remains provide many insights into the evolution of human
though and the rapidly growing body of nontechnological information. By the close of the hunting and gathering
era (about 8000 BC), human societies possessed a far greater store of cultural
information than they possessed 30,000 years before. They had acquired more in those last 30,000 years than in all
previous millions of years of hominid history (108).
The rapid acceleration in the rate of
change in the last 30,000 years of the hunting and gathering era cannot be
explained by genetic change alone, since are species had already evolved by
100,000 BC. The explosive growth in the
rate of technological innovation appears to have resulted in critical advances
in language. The relatively modes
genetic changes that were involved in the transition to Homo sapiens sapiens
paved the way for the explosive growth of culture that occurred at the end of
the Old Stone Age. There was a critical
threshold effect involved: until a
certain point was reached in biological evolution, the development of
full-fledged symbol systems was impossible.
But once that point was reached, the development of language could
proceed rapidly (109).
The advances in technology at the end of
this period coincided with, and probably caused, the growth in the size of the
human population. Although despite the
rapid growth, the human population still numbered less than 10 million and the
growth rate was less than 0.1% per year.
The reason for this was the inability of societies to provide adequately
for their members and to protect them against disease and other dangers (109).
Hunting and gathering societies of the
recent past
Even after the emergence of more advanced
types of societies, hunting and gathering societies continued to flourish in
many parts of the world. A hundred
years ago there were still larger numbers of them in both the New World and
Australia, and smaller numbers is SW Africa, in parts of the rain forest in
central Africa, in certain remote areas in southeast Asia and neighboring
islands and in Arctic Asia (110).
Population
Size & Density
Despite the variations in subsistence
technology, modern hunting and gathering societies have much in common. Communities are small and the more
completely they depend on hunting and gathering the smaller they are while
those that incorporate other means are larger (110-111).
The rate of population growth in also
very low. This is in part due to natural
causes, but also due to cultural factors.
The most important factors producing equilibrium in growth rates appears
to be cultural, such as delayed marriages and infanticide (111).
Nomadism
Modern hunting and gathering societies
are usually nomadic and an inevitable result of their subsistence
technology. They move for several
reasons: (1) search new food supplies,
(2) moved to eat a large kill, (3) seasonal changes and (4) conflict within the
group (112).
Kinship
Ties of kinship are vitally important in
most hunting and gathering groups and social interaction usually organized
around kinship roles (113). Kin groups
are of two types: nuclear and extended
families. A nuclear family includes a
man, his wife or wives, and their unmarried children; an extended family
contains multiple nuclear families linked by a part-child relationship although
the first is often inclusive in the latter (114). The extended family is important because it encourages sharing
and serves as a welfare institution (114).
The Economy
Economic institutions are not very
complex in hunting and gathering societies.
One reason is that the combination of a simple technology and a nomadic
way of life makes it impossible for most hunting and gathering peoples to
accumulate many possessions (115). The
quest for food is obviously a crucial activity in every hunting and gathering
society. Since most of these societies
have no way to store food for extended periods, the food quest must be fairly
continuous (115).
Prior to the last quarter century, most
studies of hunting and gathering societies emphasized the uncertainty of the
food supply and the difficulty of obtaining it. A number of more recent studies, however, paint a brighter
picture and indicate that they all secure an ample supply of food without an
undue expenditure of time or energy (115-116).
A very few societies do not practice
hunting. For the rest, hunting usually
provides less food, in terms of bulk than gathering. According to one estimate, the gathering done by women accounts
for 60-80% of the food supply of hunters and gathers. Because of the primitive nature of its technology, the division
of labor is determined by age and sex.
There are no full-time occupational specialties, although some part-time
specialization.
The Polity
The political institutions of modern
hunting and gathering societies are very rudimentary. Because they are so small, they have not developed political
mechanisms of the kind required to control and coordinate larger or diverse
populations. The primitive nature of
the political system of these societies can be seen clearly in their limited
development of specialized political roles and in the equally limited authority
given to people in those roles (118).
Individuals are hardly free, however, to do as they wish and are
restricted by several elements of social control: (1) blood revenge, (2) group pressure, ostracism, or banishment,
and (3) fear of the supernatural (120-121).
Stratification
The rudimentary nature of the political
system and the primitive nature of the economic system contribute to yet
another distinctive characteristic of modern hunting and gathering
societies: minimal inequality in power
and privilege or primitive communism.
Many factors are responsible for this:
(1) nomadic way of life prevents accumulation of possessions and (2)
ready availability of essential resources.
The concept of private property has only limited development as things
an individual uses constantly are recognized as his own, but land and natural
resources are public (121). Despite
near equality in power and wealth, there is, however, inequality in prestige
solely dependent on personal qualities (122).
Religion
In hunting and gathering societies the
members grapple with the problem of explaining the world, especially those
aspects that influence their own lives.
Because their store of information is limited, members quickly reach the
limits of their ability to explain things in naturalistic terms. The basis of their explanations are
animistic. The central element of
animism is the belief that spirits inhabit virtually everything in the world of
nature (123).
Education
Socialization of the young in hunting and
gathering societies is largely an informal process in which children learn both
through their play and through observing and imitating their elders. This informal socialization is often
supplemented by a formal process of initiation that marks the transition from
childhood to adulthood. Compared to
horticultural or agrarian societies, education stresses independence (124).
The Arts and Leisure
Modern hunting and gathering peoples have
produced a variety of artistic works.
Some of those works include:
music, dance, storytelling, and games (125-126).
Hunting and Gathering Societies in
Theoretical Perspective
Archaeological and Ethnographic Evidence
Compared
We cannot equate hunters and gathers of
the modern era with early hominid hunters and gatherers of a million or more
years ago—before the process of human biological evolution had produced Homo
sapiens sapiens and before the basic tools and weapons of modern hunters and
gatherers had been invented. We can,
however, compare those of the recent past with those who lived during the last
15,000 years. The similarities are
basic and many, the differences insignificant and few. The societies are similar in terms of
subsistence technology, size, equality, specialization, and art.
The differences are largely 3 types. (1) Many hunting and gathering societies of
the modern era contain elements of more advanced societies. (2) Modern hunters and gatherers have had no
opportunity to move into new territories and (3) technologically advanced
societies have often forced modern hunters and gatherers out of territories
suitable for farming and herding (128)
A Model of Limited Development
The key element determining the structure
of a society is the subsistence technology on which its members dependent. Because of their dependence on hunting and
gathering, most of these groups are destined to be nomadic and to have a low
level of productivity and a limited store of other kinds of information (129).
There characteristics lead to second
order effects. Nomadism and the low
level of productivity combine to limit possibilities for the accumulation of
possessions. The low level of
productivity and the limited store of other technological information,
especially information relevant to transportation and communication, combine to
keep hunting and gathering societies small.
The limited development of these technologies also limits contacts with
other societies. These characteristics
combine with the small size of these societies to keep the rate of
technological innovation low. The limited
store of information about natural phenomena also contributes to the
development and animistic beliefs.
Finally, these second-order effects, individually and collectively,
produce a series of third-order effects.
These include the low level of inequality that is characteristic of
hunting and gathering societies, their limited division of labor, the kinship
basis of social organization, and their ideological conservatism and the low
rates of social and cultural change (130).
The Last Hunting and Gathering Societies
By the end of this century the last hunting and gathering society will probably have vanished—and with it an irreplaceable link to our past. For thousands of years these societies maintained a remarkably stable relationship with their environments and a highly satisfying way of life (132).